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HISTORY OF THE KINGDOM OF TCHAOUDJO GENERAL INTRODUCTION If it is true, as the journalist Alain Foka says, "No one has the right to erase a page from the history of a people because a people without history is a world without soul, "it is also necessary, indeed indispensable, for every people to become aware of the need to reconstruct their own history. Indeed, Eugene
paraphrasing Hegel wrote in 1953 that: "The African races proper (that of Egypt and part of Africa Minor aside), have hardly participated in history as historians understand it ... I do not refuse to accept that we have in our veins a few drops of
blood (from African to skin probably yellow) but we must admit that what he can survive is very difficult to find. Therefore, only two human races living in Africa have played an effective role in universal history: in the first place and in a considerable way the Egyptians then the peoples of northern Africa "It is with the aim of breaking the the lucubrations of those Western thinkers who deny all history to Africa that Patrice Lumumba writes: "history will one day say its word ... Africa will write its own story". Thus, it is in order to shed light on the history of the Temudjo tem kingdom, some aspects of which have already been the subject of study by our
, that we have chosen our theme which is: "THE NEWS HEGEMONIES OF THE NORTHERN REGION. THE KINGDOM TEM OF TCHAOUDJO (1880-1914) ». Given that history is never written once and for all and that it renews itself to the rhythm of the evolution of documentary sources and especially of questioning, we wanted to deal with some aspects that are still unmentioned and to provide some details on others. Indeed to treat this theme, we have chosen a very small spatial and chronological framework. Moreover, the choice of our theme is not a matter of chance. It is explained by the motivation we have for monographic studies. In the same way, the scientific interest that we find in such studies, it is that of contributing to reconstitute the global history of Togo in general and that of the country tem in particular. To clarify the meaning of our work, we will say that the dates that define our research theme are significant. Indeed, 1880 is the date on which the kingdom really took off during the reign of Ouro-Djobo Boukari called "semôh" of Kparatao. It is also the date on which he took power after the war that would have opposed Yelivo. 1914 is the date on which the Germans leave Togo after their defeat of the "Great War" giving way to the French. After this presentation, a series of questions arise: How did the settlement of the kingdom take place and what evolution did its people experience from 1880 to 1914? Under what conditions does it come into being? What evolution does he know? How can one explain the sedentarization of the royal power of the Tchaoudjo at Kparatao? Who were the main actors of his training? What roles did semassi play in slave trade? What were the changes caused in the kingdom in contact with the Germans? What role does it play in the new context? Indeed, the history of Togo has been the subject of several researches by foreign researchers as well as by national researchers and students of the University of Lome. All these works, as a whole, shed new light on the history of the different peoples of Togo. But, if the history of most of the
of southern Togo such as the Guin, Mina and Ewe is known, this is not the case for the history of the hinterland peoples ( such as Kabiyè, Losso, Tem etc.). This is explained on the one hand by the fact that these southern peoples have had early contact with the white man and on the other by the abundance of historical literature they have on their past. In order to succeed in this work, we have covered most of the work that has already covered our theme. As a result, we were able to identify the documents that have dealt with the general history of Africa, Togo and those that have dealt specifically with the history of Tem. Despite our varied
, we have been confronted with specific information gaps on our theme. The obstacles encountered are related to the very precarious state and dilapidation of the written documents (especially the archives), the scarcity of documentary sources relating to the populations of North-Togo, the lack of financial and material means. As for the field investigations, the task was not easy at all. The obstacles encountered are related to the lack of resource persons because most of our informants are content to repeat the versions transmitted by the ancestors or simply try to forge their own version of the facts. We were also confronted with the reluctance of our informants who refused to give us the information because they believed that we were driven by political motives. Despite this situation, we have made oral tradition our workhorse with all its disadvantages. We do not have the chance to meet the "ideal" people since most of our
did not live the period corresponding to our study (1880-1914). They keep their information from their parents. It is therefore with great caution that we use oral testimony. Nevertheless, we have been able to gather enough information that will allow us to shed light on the history of Temudjo's tem kingdom. In the end, let us emphasize that all these difficulties mentioned above have required of us a particular attention, better a very thorough analysis and a critical sense. In these conditions, we have tried to combine as harmoniously as possible the different information collected on the Tem to make our work intelligible. It is thanks to this method that we have arrived at the results gathered in this memoir which we present in two large parts: The first part entitled origin and framework of the constitution of the kingdom comprises three chapters: first, the general presentation of the country tem and history of settlement, then the constitution of the kingdom and finally, the political and economic organization of the kingdom. The second part titled the militarization of the kingdom includes two chapters including: the militarization and the various conflicts of the kingdom and the Chaudjo under German rule. But before getting to the heart of the matter, it seems important for us to understand our work to explain the use of a certain number of concepts. Thus, the choice of the concept "kingdom" to the detriment of the concepts "chiefdoms" and "confederation" is significant. According to Le Petit Robert, confederation is defined as the "union of several states that associate while maintaining their sovereignty". When one refers to the history of Europe, one notes the example of the Helvetic Confederation, the Confederation of Delos for the ancient crisis. But as far as our study is concerned, the seven constituent villages correspond more to a "union" than to any "sovereignty" since they all depended on the village to which the royal power returned. This proves that the seven villages are not independent of each other as we have believed. As for the chieftaincy, Le Petit Robert defines it as a "territorial unit over which the authority of a tribal chief is exercised". This definition seems to us insufficient to explain the case of Tchaoudjo. However, according to Larousse, the kingdom is a "state ruled by a king". This definition seems to respond to our subject especially as the "state" in our context can encompass several entities that better correspond to the seven constituent villages of the kingdom and the "king" that corresponds to the sovereign or ouro-esso. Kotokoli or Cotocoli: it is a graphic variation. The Germans used the first form and the French the second. This term refers to the ethnic group of the country tem. Because of our historical context, we made use of the form adopted by the Germans: Kotokoli. Country: this word loses some of its meaning in our context. For us, it represents the entire tem settlement area. Tem: we used it both as a name: The Tem are Kotokoli, both as an
: The Kotokoli are of tem culture. Tem country: the territory where a population lives whose members traditionally recognize themselves as "Temba" ie people who speak the same tem language. Kingdom of Tchaoudjo: which is the subject of our study includes only the seven constituent villages of the kingdom where only the Mola can apply to the royal power. Kotokoli and Tem: The nuance between the two names should not be a problem. The Tem in the opinion of our informants is the aboriginal inhabitant known as a farmer, a breeder, a hunter, a blacksmith, an animist, rooted in his environment by his occupations and his culture. About the two names, Gayibor writes: "Anyway, the ethnonym kotokoli is the most used today. He seems to identify more with the elements of the group who are urbanized and Islamized while the tem would rather designate the rural and pagan world, the old fund of the settlement. Thus, the name cotocoli or kotokoli, which originally seems to have had only a cultural significance, was imposed to the detriment of tem or temba, the true ethnonym. This explains the transmutation of tem in Kotokoli. Part One ORIGIN AND FRAMEWORK OF THE CONSTITUTION OF THE KINGDOM Map No. 1: Togo's ethnic pattern Source: Gayibor, 1996, p12 Chapter 1: GENERAL PRESENTATION OF THE TEM COUNTRIES AND HISTORY OF THE PEOPLE
There is very little knowledge of the history of the Temudjo tem kingdom before the arrival of the Europeans. This is explained by the fact that we lack professional traditionalists like the griots in Mali or elsewhere in Africa. In addition, there is no chronicle worthy of the name that can go back more than 150 to 200 years. In general, in most parts of Togo, people lived on the mountains where they felt safer. The occupation of the Tabalo site on Mount Malfakassa confirms this. Therefore, it is important to first describe the physical setting of the country tem and then the stages of settlement of the kingdom. 1- General presentation of the country tem 1-1. Geographical situation The Tem constitute a heterogeneous entity to varying degrees depending on the region, the influence of Islam is very important. We call tem country, the territory on which lives a population whose members are traditionally recognized as "Temba" that is to say, people who speak the same language tem. The country stretches from Kéouda (south of Fazao) to beyond Bafilo. From east to west, it extends over the Malfakassa mountain ridge from Tabalo to Kri-Kri (Adjéïdè) (see map n ° 2, p12). The territory thus defined now includes several prefectures. Two prefectures register entirely in the country tem. It is the prefecture of Tchaoudjo (chief town Sokode) and the prefecture of Assoli (capital Bafilo). Currently both homes tem, Tchaoudjo of approximately 2549 Km2 and Assoli 937,5Km2 cover less than 4000Km2 on the 56600Km2 that represents the national territory. The Kotokoli are also found in three other prefectures where they constitute minorities: Bassar in the west, Tchamba in the east and Sotouboua and Blitta in the south. Apart from these cases, there are Tem elsewhere in Kozah, Ogou. In addition, there are many Kotokoli living outside Togo. They are in the villages of Alédjo-Koura, Akaradè and Semere in the Republic of Benin, in some localities of Ghana: Ahamassou, Kédjébi, Yendi, Koumassi, Accra etc. 1-2. The dominant geographical features The relief of the tem country is of a great variety and is presented as follows: -a succession of mountain ranges oriented southwest and northeast. These chains extend from Bafilo in the north to Fazao, Boulohou to the south via
, Alédjo, Tabalo and Malfakassa. The highest altitudes are in the center of the Malfakassa region and south in the Fazao. In places, this mountain range has the appearance of a real wall with strong unevenness. The second topographic feature to highlight is the series of hills interspersed between the plain of Mono to the east and the mountains of Alédjo, just northeast of
then Chavadi and Wassarabou to Kpaza. - to the east, a small part of the immense plain of Mono - to the west, the triangular plain of Mount Fazao developed on the Buem. Very roughly, the topographical correspondences are as follows: to the vast plain of the Mô, corresponds the Dahomean country (current Benin) and the plain of Mô-Fazao, the Buem. It is the chain of Atakora which is at the origin of the high reliefs of central Togo, it is made of quartzists essentially with some schists and micaschists crossed by many veins of quartz. In the Mô-Fazao plain, the Buem series is locally composed of relatively
quartzist sandstones. The climate is Sudanese. As a result, we have two seasons in succession: a dry season from November to April and a rainy season from May to October. Map 2: Administrative map of the country tem Source: Chance, 1987, p60 1-3. Pedology Soil pedologies are quite varied, nevertheless, there are more or less homogeneous entities extending over large areas: - a region with good soil fertility, region south of Tchaoudjo, - a somewhat poor area on the ground north of Tchaoudjo and the Bafilo sector, - three isolated but fertile areas (West-Fazao, Mô, East-Mono). 1-4. Vegetation The vegetation cover consists mainly of grassy, shrubby, tree-covered savannas and forest islets located on the mountain ranges or along the watercourses (gallery forests). The classified forests of Fazao, Malfakassa, Alédjo, uninhabited and cultivated areas represent more than 10% of the regional area. 1-5. Wildlife As for wildlife, it is very rich. It is confined to reserves or
forests. There are ruminants, carnivores, rodents like lions, buffaloes, deer, elephants. All of these species are endangered because of hunting. But nowadays, with the wildlife protection policy, this hunt is regulated or banned. 1-6. Hydrography If we consider hydrography, we can say that with the chain of Atakora, the kotokoli country is a real water tower for Togo. Most of the tributaries of the Mono, such as Na, Koloware, and Kpaza, have their sources. The country has no water problems as in the country bassar. However not all streams are permanent. Some dry up during dry seasons. Map 3: The Temudjo Tem Realm Source: Gayibor, 1997, p 346 2 - The Settlement of the Kingdom
the settlement of the kingdom in general and more precisely of the first occupants, the versions differ. The stories written by both Europeans and Togolese support the seniority of the Lama groups. This thesis is questioned by the oral tradition. Who are the first occupants before the arrival of the Mola? The Molas, who are they and where do they come from? What are the migrant clans? The answers to these three questions will allow us to better understand the realities that contribute to the occupation of this site. 2-1- The first occupants before the arrival of the Mola About the first occupants, we collected testimonies from various authors: JC Froelich, believes that the oldest inhabitants of the country are voltaic language Lama and belong to the group "Paleonigritics". Captain Sicre, speaking in the same direction, wrote: "The most indigenous race (lama) that we know today has completely disappeared from Sokodé's circle, but has broken down into two Lambas and Cabrais fractions, a certain number of families of which tend to come to find Sokodé, the land of their distant ancestors ". Ali Napo writes that: "the Temudjo tem kingdom is shared with the Bassar, Dagomba and Tchokossi kingdoms, the domination over almost all populations except those considered as indigenous Kabyè and losso of all of North-Togo" However, the oral tradition reveals that the true natives of the country are the Nawo, the Koli. -The Nawo: they are part of the indigenous clans of the kingdom. Their ancestor was called Takam and their origin is Lognadè, village currently located on the road Sokodé-Tchamba next to Kadambara. They held the power of elector of the ruler of Tchaoudjo. Power they lost in the time of Ouro Kura of Birini. -The Koli: These are also considered
. Their center of gravity seems to be the village of Effolo in the prefecture of Assoli. They are found everywhere in Bassar, Tchamba, Agoulou and Kabiyè country. The majority of them are in Bafilo, where they constitute an important nucleus playing both a vital role in the political life of this locality. Indeed, in case of vacancy of power, it is one of the members of this clan who assumes the interim. The Koli
a fairly strong clan entity. They are real blacksmiths and therefore warriors warned. Some go even further, such as Agodomou Adam, to say that the Mola had found no one on their arrival at Tabalo or in their current sites. As far as we are concerned, we will say that the thesis of the anteriority of the lama group supported by the Europeans and the Togolese deserves a certain precision. Thus, the meaning of the llama group can be understood only linguistically. It refers to a group of ethnic groups that speak related languages such as Kabiyè, Tem, Lamba and Logba. As a result, it does not refer to Kabiyè and Losso alone, as Ali-Napo and JC Froelich and Sicre wrote. Thus, the anteriority of Koli and Nawo defended by the oral tradition can be understood all the more because they are both Tem and even more so speak the same language tem. 2-2 The origin of the mola clan, founder of the kingdom The origin of the dominant clan mola has been the subject of several versions. On the one hand, by the Mola themselves and on the other hand, by the other clans populating the kingdom. There are two hypotheses regarding their origin. 2-2-1. The thesis of the Arab origin This one attributes to the Mola an Arab origin. Indeed, it is on the edge of a locality located on the shores of the Red Sea that would have come the name of Mola. The ancestor of the Mola would have passed through Sudan, Chad, Nigeria and northern Dahomey (Benin) before settling in Tabalo. The acceptance of this thesis seems difficult to us all the more as we note an obvious Islamic influence. Indeed, it can be seen everywhere in the country that the Mola clan is fundamentally attached to the practice of traditional religion. The kingdom thus created by the Mola is a kingdom firmly linked to the cults of the ancestors. The conversion of Mola to Islam dates back to the accession of Ouro-Djobo Boukari to Kparatao. The mola kingship has rested and still rests today on the animist rites. Funerary rites and those of the enthronement of a new ruler easily confirm this. On the other hand, the version that seems credible to us is the one that attributes to the Molas a
origin. 2-2-2. The thesis of the origin gourma The third version that seems credible to us comes the mola clan of Upper Volta (Burkina Faso today) and is of origin gourma. This thesis is supported by some authors such as P. Alexandre, JC Froelich, R. Cornevin, and most recently JC Barbier, MM Tchanilé, NL Gayibor, Ouro-Djéri etc. Indeed, in their joint work devoted to the Kotokoli, P. Alexandre and JC Froelich report the following: "A hunter gourma, Clan Mola, who had advanced southward, discovered a game-filled region and decided to bring his parents there. They left Fada N'Gourma, under the leadership of Kotokoro, and moved to Tabalo. "We think this thesis is closer to reality. Thus, the Mola do not begin to appear in the tem universe until their installation at Tabalo on Mount Malfakassa that can however go back between the sixteenth and the seventeenth centuries. The Mola say that they come from the Gourma country and that they are at the origin of the foundation of Tabalo. In the same way, Ali-Napo quoting JC Froelich writes: "The Mola would be from the first wave of Gourma invaders that appeared at the end of the 17th century. They are from Dadeni, arrived by the axis Mango-Kanté and settling in the mountains of Atakora to found the village of Tabalo where after some time of stay, the time to assimilate linguistically with the natives then spread in the abandoned plain by the Kabyè ". It is obvious that they are of Gourma origin but they are not at the origin of the foundation of Tabalo as claimed by the oral tradition and JC Froelich. Some Tem clans lived there before their arrival. These were later dominated by the Mola. In addition, it is apparent from the analysis of the
collected in the field that the Mola found the indigenous people on their arrival in Tabalo even though it is difficult for them to identify them. 2-3. The other Tem clans Apart from these indigenous clans and the Mola, there are other Tem clans. This is the case of Dikeni, Tagbabia, Wari, Nintche, Louwo, Sandou, Bougoum etc. - The Dikéni: They represent a non-negligible clan entity and are part of the natives of the kingdom. They are from Dantcho in Bassar Prefecture. They are currently found everywhere in countries tem. They are at the origin of the foundation of the towns like Kolina, Aguidagbadè, Kédjikadjo, Sabarignadè where they hold the chieftainships. They are also real blacksmiths. -The Nintché: they are true hunters and have left their original village called Bowouda in search of game places. Bowouda is located north-east of Sokodé at the foot of Mount Koronga. They are also found at Alibi II on the road to Tchamba. Nowadays, it is they who enthrone the chiefs in Tchamba. -The Sandou-Bougoum: These two clans have the same origin which is Wassarabou located on the Kparatao-Agoulou road. At present they constitute two distinct clans. The Sandou are at the origin of the foundation of Wassaradè while the Bougoum are at the origin of the foundation of Koumondé, located on the national road No1 between the fault of Alédjo and Bafilo. Nevertheless, they still observe the same dietary prohibitions and some ritual ceremonies. -The Adjouti or Laoumbia: the people (bia) of the forest (laou) came from the regions of Adélé. They founded the Kpalada chiefdom and they are also found in Alédjo- Koura, Kambolé, Bago and others. 2-4. The migrant clans At the end of the 19th century, the kingdom gave its hospitality to foreign traders. Among these, we note the clans of Sudanese origin like Touré (at the origin of the introduction of Islam), the Fofana, the Traoré, the Cissé, the Konaté etc. There are also Hausa clans like the Mende and the original Dagomba clans like the Daro. Conclusion In general, we will say with regard to the origin and settlement of the kingdom that on the one hand, it was populated by Tem clans before the arrival of the Mola. Thus, the problem of autochthony no longer arises when one refers to information collected in the field. Nevertheless, the Molas were at the origin of the foundation of the kingdom. Later, with their migration to the plains of Kara and Mo, they found other, older clans. So they lived together in these new sites. Other foreign clans settled there too, but the Mola thereafter dominated them all without exception. However, the Mola were not Muslims when they arrived in the area. This puts into question the thesis of the Arab origin. They only converted to Islam under Ouro-
Boukari of Kparatao. In addition, the thesis of the origin gourma defended by the Europeans, the Togolese as well as by the oral tradition, seems credible to us all the more since there still remains joking kinship between the Gourma and the Tem. After this analysis, we will see in the following chapter the
of the constitution of the kingdom. Chapter 2: THE CONSTITUTION OF THE KINGDOM Introduction Let us recall that the ancestor of the Mola named Gadaou had settled in Tabalo between the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries. After a long stay in Tabalo, some of his sons for various reasons migrated to the plains of Kara and Mo and occupied their current sites. We will see the circumstances of the constitution of the kingdom and the types of powers that one encounters in tem country in precolonial time. 1 - From Tabalo to the birth of the kingdom Having lived a long time in Tabalo, the Mola left their original site for various reasons to settle on their current sites. The occupation of the new sites was done in a progressive way. 1-1. Tabalo at the settlement of the Mola Tabalo was a village where Gadaou settled, which is still the
of the Mola. This village was located on a mountain in the west between Sokodé and Bassar. This is where Gadaou disappeared
. According to Ouro-Gaffo Badassa, one day, Gadaou gathered his sons and told them the sad news: "It is time for me to return to my ancestors." At these words, Gadaou began to sink to the ground. The children rushed out and took off the royal hat (sà) from his head. This place has become a water point. Thus, all new ouro-essofrom that moment, washed this water to his enthronement. In the same way, any new sovereign is not allowed to go to this place as a sign of respect and submission, because, it is said, the child does not look at his father's face, under pain of being sanctioned as a sign of no respect to the hierarchical order. Nowadays, this village is divided into Tabalo I, which remains in the mountains about six kilometers from the road, and Tabalo II, which is near the Sokode-Bassar road. Several causes have caused the emigration of the Mola de Tabalo to their current sites. 1-2. Causes of Tabalo migration According to some researchers and the oral tradition, several causes have helped to trigger the departure of the Mola to the fertile plains of Kara and Mô. The first to leave Tabalo were the Mola followed by Koli, Nawo and Louwo. We take the natural, economic and demographic causes. 1-2-1. Natural causes Tabalo was a village located on Mount Malfakassa. For this purpose, with its frequent scree of rocks, it constituted a danger for the population. In addition, according to our informant, the site was infested with ferocious animals such as lions, panthers, jackals and venomous snakes. To avoid any danger, the populations had to emigrate towards the plain. Apart from natural causes, there are the economic causes that have affected the populations. 1-2-2. Economic causes The overexploitation of small plots of arable land, available around the village, had led to the rapid depletion of arable land. The inhabitants were obliged to travel very long distances every day to find new virgin lands. Referring to the same causes, Gayibor writes: "Very early, probably for economic and strategic reasons the Mola, followed by some clans, have spread across the plain, to the east and north" For reasons of proximity, they lasted leave the place and get closer to their fields. The rapid growth of the population was not without consequence. 1-2-3. Demographic Causes The rapidly growing population, the constant influx of foreign clans over the years, especially the Louwo craftsmen, resulted in the overcrowding of the site, which soon became cramped. Places to build new homes were becoming scarce. The inhabitants abandoned the site in search of larger spaces where they will feel well off having large portions to build new homes. It is therefore not possible to affirm with P. Alexandre and JC Froelich that: "the slave raids were the definite cause of this departure", nor with Leo Frobenius who
the same thesis in these terms: "One day from the west, the Tchokossi, with the Wangara on their heels, entered the country and the Tabalo people were thus dispersed ", since it is known that Tabalo was a site of mountains inaccessible to slave riders. Moreover, the Mola would not have settled in the plains of Kara and Mo if they had been driven out of Tabalo by slave raids because the plain offered no guarantee of security. One can not admit either with Captain Sicre who maintains that: "the populations had descended in the plain that of the day when the European presence had guaranteed the peace in the medium", because this migration had occurred well before the penetration European in the hinterland more precisely in the kingdom under the reign of Ouro-Djobo Boukari of Paratao in May 1889. However, all the causes defended by the oral tradition seem to us credible especially since most of the Tem are farmers and because of this, they need more fertile land for their various crops. The occupation of new sites has been progressive and finally leads to the birth of the kingdom. 1-3. The gradual occupation and birth of the kingdom The descendants of Gadaou after having spent a long time at their father's side in Tabalo, did not emigrate at the same time and did not occupy their sites at the same time. Some have directly occupied their sites while others have made stops at their brothers before going to occupy their respective sites. 1-3-1 The chronological occupation of the sites The researchers and the oral tradition reveal that the first village of the kingdom that was founded is of course Kpangalam. However, the versions differ on the name of the founder of this village. On the one hand, according to the investigations conducted by the French sociologist Barbier, the founder would be a certain Agoro Dam. On the other hand, according to information collected by the same author from the former secretary of Chief Aguda Adam, the founder would be a hunter named Agrinya whose grave would still be visible. Moreover, JC Froelich and Gayibor give this name as being the first one. For our part, Ouro-Agoro Bodjo, confirmed to us that Ouro Dam is certainly the founder of Kpangalam and first ruler of Tchaoudjo. It is still apparent from the oral tradition that a few years later, Bang'na, younger brother of the founder of Kpangalam, came to live with him. Shortly after settling in Kpangalam, he would have found a location further east to settle there, a place he named Tchavadi. He was thus the second ruler of Tchaudjo and the first chief of Tchavadi. According to Djobo- Bivahi Mouhamadou, Ouro-Takpara is the founder of Kadambara, the third village to see the light of day. He would have settled first at Agbandè near Bassar. One of his sons would have seduced a woman of Bassar's chief. This caused a conflict that eventually led to their departure from the site to settle in Kadambara. In the opinion of the same informant, Kadambara comes from the word tem dabara which means "We are rooted". This toponym alludes to their conflict against Bassar. Thus, Takpara was the first chief of Kadambara and the third ruler of Tchaoudjo. According to information collected from Ouro- Gbèlè Idrissou, the founder of Birini would be Ouro Tchatikpi who was not ruler of Tchaoudjo but he was the first leader of Birini. The only Tchaudjo ruler who left Birini was Ouro-Kura, who was the fifth Uro-Esso. A certain Uro Ifa would have gone from Tchavadi south in search of a game area and founded the Komah village. The latter, as his name indicates, was not sovereign of the Chaudjo but was the first chief of Komah. According to Ouro-Akpo Kassim, the founder of Yelivo named Ouro Dam would first settle with his brother in Birini. From there he went further west to found Yelivo. Another group came to Kadambara for one or two decades. After this long stopover, the group continued on its way to found the village of Nadjoma. It was from there and with the intention of finding good land that a certain Djeri Fama left his peers to found Kparatao. These constituent villages of the kingdom had particular links two by two depending on the consanguinity of the founders. So, these links are observed between Kpangalam and Tchavadi, between Birini and Yelivo, between Kadambara and Kparatao and later between Tchavadi and Komah. The seven aforementioned villages will be at the origin of the birth of the tem kingdom of Tchaoudjo. 1-3-2. Birth and evolution of the kingdom One can truly speak of the Temudjo tem kingdom only from the moment when the other villages (Tchavadi, Kadambara, Birini, Komah, Yelivo and Kparatao) met at the initiative of Tchavadi to fight Kpangalam who had
power. On the one hand, according to Gayibor, "Kpangalam is the first to assume power at the head of the kingdom during two reigns". On the other hand, it seems according to Ouro-Agoro Bodjo that Kpangalam made more than two successive reigns. When Tchavadi called on the other villages to help him regain power with their older brother in Kpangalam, the five villages would have pledged to take part in this fight, but only if they reigned in their turn. What was concluded. As a result, after the defeat of Kpangalam, Chavadi took power. It is here that the law of the rotation of the supreme power of Chaudjo finds its origin. However, only Yelivo could not sit as the ruler of Tchaoudjo for reasons that we will discuss in the second part about the Kparatao -Yélivo conflict. As we mentioned earlier, the kingdom reached its peak under Ouro-Djobo Boukari of Kparatao. It extends its hegemony over the entire region. About the extension of the kingdom, Gayibor quoting von Zech reports: "I think that this great region can be considered as an entity, since it is a single building, not only linguistically but also politically. The famous Uro Dyabo, that is to say the Lord or King Dyabo, dominates the entire country, leaving more or less freedom to the leaders of various parts of the country. The power of Dyabo even exceeds the country temu and extends over territories like Tchamba, Alibi, part of the country anyanga, where the language temu is not spoken as a mother tongue »The extent of the kingdom of which von speaks Zech is debatable. As we will see later, Adam Méatchi fought on the side of the kingdom but not against this one. If the Tchaoudjo included Tchamba and Alibi, how could Méatchi fight Tchamba for the benefit of Kri-Kri who appealed to him? Which would mean that the power of Djobo has, moreover, never been exercised over the whole country tem. Admittedly, given the meteoric evolution that kingdom came from the accession to the throne of Djobo Boukari, it is reasonable to think that his hegemony could have been exercised later on the entire center of current Togo. It was under his reign that the kingdom really knew its heyday. The migration of Mola gave birth to two types of power in Tem country: The supreme power of Tchaoudjo and the power of the villages. 2- The powers in tem country at pre-colonial time The migration of the Mola de Tabalo to their current sites had given rise to two types of powers that are encountered in Tem country with, of course, at the head the supreme power of Tchaoudjo. Indeed, the Temudjo tem kingdom is a politically well organized kingdom. Thus, to apply for power in a tem country, one must have fulfilled a certain number of conditions. But, these conditions vary according to the powers. 2-1. The supreme power of Tchaudjo Recall that the supreme power of Tchaudjo was established by the seven villages of the Mola clan. These are Kpangalam, Chavadi, Kadambara, Birini, Komah, Yelivo and Kparatao. This form of organization existed among the Tem long before the German
. Which was not the case with their neighbors kabiyè. Indeed, all applicants to ouro-esso post must be of the mola clan belonging to one or the other of the seven constituent villages of the kingdom. The applicant must be physically fit. He must have good morals, must be a legitimate child. Moreover, he must enjoy a certain popularity. Thus, any postulant who fulfills all these conditions can be considered as a bearer of happiness and prosperity for the kingdom. Moreover, the power is rotational without being able to designate two successive sovereigns in the same village or lineage. This under the arbitration of the Daro clan of Tchalo. However, there is no dethronement procedure as was the case in other parts of Africa, especially among the Tchagga in Tanzania where the leader may be deposed by the assembly of warriors, that is, by men between the ages of thirty and forty-five if he violated the custom. In other words, if the leader does something that is contrary to customary law, the penalty he faces is that of losing his power. This power belongs to this assembly which is composed of wise men, supposed to be able to assume this heavy responsibility. On the other hand, it is the same among the Bemba in Zambia where the Citimukulu (chief) had to take into account the opinion of forty oldest hereditary advisers and charged with certain rites essential to the exercise of the power, before taking a decision on pain of being filed by them. The chief of Tchaoudjo took the title of ouro-esso or sovereign and he has the right to life and death over his people. In the opinion of our informant Ouro-Touh Adam, the leader takes the title of ouro-esso because he is considered the representative of God on the earth and because of this, he must be praised by his people as the faithful do to God. The new sovereign received his investiture from the hands of the chief of Tabalo who is considered his father. The choice of the chief of villages also obeys rules more specific to the villages. 2-2- The power of the villages It concerns the villages founded either by the mola or by the other clans tem. The fundamental criterion in this type of power is the applicant's membership in the village's founding clan, the sole heir to the chieftaincy. Thus we have some village chiefs of Mola clans and others of non-Mola clans. The example of the village of Agoulou where the chief is of the mola clan and that of the village of Kolina where the chief is of the dikeni clan. The same physical and moral qualities of the leader's personality are required as is the alternation between the lineages. The choice of the leader must, however, receive the approval of ouro-esso to whom the new leader must, before being permanently invested, pay a servile tribute (yoma sedi "salvation of slaves") especially in the pre-colonial era. On the whole, the village chiefs were generally older than the Chaudjo rulers at the time of their appointment because it is claimed that their margin of maneuver was limited in their villages in relation to the sovereign who must manage in addition to affairs of the kingdom, some of the other villages are considered delicate or complex. Map 4: The Chieftaincies in Tem Country Source: Barbier, 1995, p20 Note: The chieftaincy of Kpaza is founded by the Toure and not by the Mola as JC Barbier attests. CONCLUSION In short, Gadaou was the ancestor of the Mola clan, originally from the Gourma country. He had settled in the mountainous area at Tabalo. Subsequently for reasons of a natural, economic and socio-demographic nature, the
emigrated to the plains of Kara and Mo. However, the incursions of slavers mentioned by some authors seem to us unjustifiable because the plain offered no guarantee in terms of security. This migration took place step by step giving birth to villages, which in turn would constitute the tem Toudoudjo realm. In general, the country tem had two types of powers. Well-defined rules governed the appointment of every new sovereign. But, these rules were violated twice in regard to the supreme power of the Chaudjo: on the one hand, by Ouro-Djobo Boukari of Kparatao and on the other hand by Komah. The Temudjo tem kingdom has retained its integrity and influence over the other peoples of the region through its political and economic organization. Chapter 3: THE POLITICAL AND ECONOMIC ORGANIZATION OF THE KINGDOM Introduction Let us recall that the constituent villages of the kingdom were founded by the Molas with the support of the indigenous populations. Like any state organization, Temudjo's Tem kingdom was well organized socially, politically and economically. Most indigenous and non-indigenous communities occupied specific functions in the kingdom. 1- Socio-political structure of the kingdom Like the Confederation of Delos in Greek antiquity, where Athens had played a leading role, Kparatao also played the same role in the Temudjo tem kingdom. This could only have been possible thanks to the charisma and the strong personality of Ouro-Djobo Boukari who was the sixth Uro-esso of the kingdom. 1-1. The social organization of the kingdom Regarding the social organization, note that the kingdom was composed of a heterogeneous population where there is the mixing between the clans. Each clan had its specific role that it plays in society. Thus, only the Mola could access the position of ouro-esso. The Nawo first and then the Daro played an essential role of arbitration. Since the origin of the kingdom, the right of the choice of the sovereign was held by the nawo clan. But during the reign of Ouro-Kura of Birini, a Nawo would have courted one of the women of the sovereign. This act made them lose their role of arbitration for the benefit of the daro clan. Touré Safara on their side were at the origin of the introduction of Islam in the kingdom. These Toure Safara with the Traore and the Fofana have the right to the Imamate. In addition, the Issa Touré from Sokoto are only concerned with the function of Malwa-ouro. He intervenes jointly with the Tchakpindé to name the imam thanks to his social role because on the one hand, he is the leader of the Muslims and on the other hand, he is considered as the first religious authority. In this, Malwa-ouro is supposed to master the divine prescriptions that govern religion and in this is a resource person for the appointment of the Imam. In the same way, the Chakpindé were the oldest and therefore, are supposed to decide between the three clans (Toure, Fofana and Traore) in the choice of the Imam. The Chakpindé as deans of Didaouré remain very powerful thanks to their knowledge of traditional rites of protection. As far as religion is concerned, the mola were animists when they arrived in the kingdom. Islam does not win the kingdom with the arrival of foreigners including Touré during the nineteenth century. Indeed, with the coming into power of Ouro-Djobo Boukari and especially after his conversion to Islam, he wanted to impose it as a state religion. The conversion of Ouro-Djobo Boukari to Islam can be explained on the one hand by the influx of Muslim foreigners into the kingdom. At that time, the Chaudjo experienced for the first time a monotheistic religion. On the other hand, After the Kparatao-Yelivo war, the sovereign solicited from Adam Méatchi an expert in Islam (Alpha) to preach to his people the new religion. In addition, we also note the influence of his brother Abdulai Apu Traoré. These events would have contributed enormously to the conversion Ouro Djobo. This epoch marked the spread of Islam and the apogee of the kingdom. The political life of the kingdom is of paramount importance. 1-2. The political organization of the kingdom At the head of the kingdom of the kingdom is ouro-esso (Chief-god). He is assisted in his tasks by a large number of notables. These are for the most part heads of the other constituent villages of the kingdom and wise personages close to the sovereign. According to the modern term, there existed a form of "deconcentrated" management of royal power. Which means that certain powers were bequeathed to the local chiefs under the watchful eye of the sovereign. These local chiefs are accountable for their management. This being so, the power of the sovereign was absolute. He furrowed villages from time to time, settled minor disputes on the spot, and identified the complex problems that will be dealt with later at the royal palace. The sovereign does not work. It is transported each time by the populations of the village of departure for another destination and this in turn. Twelve known and appointed rulers dominated the political life of the kingdom from the beginning to 1914. The kingdoms that have most marked the kingdom are among others the one of Ouro-Kura which acceded to the throne after the death of Ouro Akoriko of Komah. Indeed, this allowed the victory of Tchaoudjo in the second Komah-Agoulou conflict that we will see later, thanks to the military role he had played. During his reign, the village Birini was surrounded by a wall as was the case of Agokoli in Notsè. This was because of the conflicts with the Alibi populations over land issues. Thus the village was called Tchoboto which means "fortified village". This
reigned over the kingdom for eighty years. This is the reign that has lasted the most in the history of the Temudjo tem kingdom. At the time, Hausa traders crisscrossed the area and since Tchoboto meant in Hausa language "Birini", this Hausa name supplanted that of the Tem and the village kept until today the name Birini. He who also marked the history of the kingdom was Ouro-Djobo Boukari of Kparatao. Indeed, this one, by co-opting the Djerma mercenaries and having the favor of the Germans, had dominated the whole region. His reign lasted only nine years. It is at the origin of the sedentarization of the royal power of Tchaoudjo in Kparatao. Let us remember that the kingdom knew precisely its climax under his reign. List of Tchaoudjo rulers from the origins to 1914 (Barbier, 1995: 126) 1- Ouro-Agoro Dam of Kpangalam (1785-1805) 2- Ouro-Bangna Tcha-Ali of Tchavadi (1805-1825) 3- Ouro Takpara of Kadambara (1825-1845) 4- Ouro Akoriko of Komah (1845- 1865) 5- Ouro Kura of Birini (1865-1880) 6- Ouro -Djobo Boukari says semôh of Kparatao (1880-1889) 7- Ouro - Djobo Tchadjobo of Kparatao (1897-1901) 8- Ouro - Djobo Tchagodomou of Kparatao ( 1901-1906) 9- Ouro - Djobo Bouraima de kparatao (1906-1924) Authors like Gayibor, Ouro-Djeri believe that the seventh and eighth ouro-esso were dismissed by the Germans without specifying the reasons for their dismissal. However, according to our investigations, it appears that the reigns of the four sovereigns who succeeded one another in Kparatao were ephemeral because of the violation of the customary law of designation of the sovereign of Tchaoudjo by this royal village. This is explained by the fact that, on the one hand, Kparatao had usurped the power that normally had to return to Yelivo and, on the other hand, by the sedentarization of the royal power of Tchaoudjo in the said village. These two events are contrary to the customary law which states that the power must be rotating without being able to designate two sovereigns in the same village or lineage. If we analyze the duration by reign, we obviously find that it became more or less short with the accession to power of Ouro-Djobo Boukari. This being the case, the information gathered from oral tradition explains the situation better. The prosperity of the kingdom is also explained by its economic activities. 2- The economy of the kingdom The traditional economy of the kingdom was based on both agriculture and trade. Trade was based on the transit of slaves for export. But the craft sector was not to be neglected. The Tem population was a working population. The kingdom was full of talent for manual labor. There were farmers, ranchers, blacksmiths and craftsmen. 2-1. Agriculture. In a fundamentally traditional environment, agriculture was the main activity of Kotokoli. It was from her that they derived most of their livelihood. The main food crops are millet and yams. Agricultural techniques are still rudimentary. Agriculture does not know mechanization. The hoe, the cutter, the daba, always remain the most used tools. About 80% of agricultural products are consumed in the traditional environment by the population itself. This agriculture was not as developed as in Bassar country and did not use fertilizer as in kabiyè country. Thus, Leo Frobenius has so well remarked when he wrote in these terms: "The prosperous agriculture, but I do not think I have noticed the crops as important as in bassar country ... I have never seen the country tem a fertilizer pit like every kabiyè farm has. "Livestock play a significant role in the kingdom's economy. 2-2. Livestock It concerns mainly poultry such as chickens, guinea fowl and small livestock such as sheep and goats. As for the cattle, it was entirely entrusted to Fulani found in almost all localities in the region. To do this, there is no contract between the owner and the Fulani. There is, however, a kind of "convention" between them. This consists in giving the Fulani guardian the benefit of one calf out of three or four that the cow will give. In addition, the milk that is extracted every day is returned to the Fulani. Fulani women market this milk to find funds for some household expenses. The tem were also brave warriors thanks to their equipments which are mostly made on the spot. 2-3. Forge. It is an activity practiced by certain clans, the best known of which are the Koli and the Dikeni. These blacksmiths played a minor role in the militarization of Chaudjo. They made traditional rifles that the warriors of the kingdom used in their various fights. It is a hereditary profession in a way since children from blacksmith parents have a strong chance of becoming blacksmiths. These blacksmiths were supplied with iron from Bangeli in the Bassar country. Aside from their role as
, the Koli are also real warriors, hence their slogan: "When there is war, we always take the front". This supposes that the forge was as much the preserve of the Koli as of the Dikeni. The kingdom was also renowned for its artisanal products coveted by both natives and foreigners. 2-4. Crafts Crafts activities are reduced to weaving, basketry and pottery. -Weaving: this activity is widespread in Didaouré and Kparatao. The craft of weaving is the preserve of migrant clans (Watara de Didaouré). Thus weaving, dyeing, In some villages, garment making is seen as a complementary activity of men and women during the so-called dead season. - Basketry: it leads to the manufacture of mats, baskets, bags etc. Some manufactured products are sold on site and others are exported. -The pottery: it is not developed at all in tem country. However, there are sometimes potters of great talent in some localities. All this production was the object of a trade which constitutes for this purpose the second important activity of the kingdom. 2-5 Trade As a secondary activity of the kingdom, trade had made the kingdom a region of hospitality for itinerant foreigners. The kingdom's geographical location made it a commercial hub. The Chaudjo is recognized from the outside because foreign traders came from Hausa and stayed there for months. There are trade routes, trading partners and traded products. 2-5-1 Trade Routes The Chaudjo was an important stage for the transit of cola. Most of the kingdom's villages served as stopovers for foreign traders. Even before the nineteenth century, Hausa and Mandingo traders were passing through villages such as Agoulou from Salaga (in central-eastern Ghana today) towards Djougou (in the center-west of present-day Benin). One of the routes frequented at the time when was in command of the kingdom of Chaudjo, passed by: Djougou--Kura-Agoulou-Kpassoua- Chavadi- Didaoure. We note that Sokodé, Bafilo and Daoudé were points of relay and exchange of products. At the end of the nineteenth century, the route will pass through Agoulou-Kparatao-Kadambara-Didaouré then continue towards Fazao-Suruku-Bulohu-Djerêkpagna, then after crossing the Mô, Bubalêm (near Nakpali), Bimbila (center from Nanumba) and Salaga where travelers arrived by the "Kotocolé road". These exchanges were between the inhabitants of the region on the one hand and with foreign traders on the other hand. 2-5-2. Business partners The inhabitants of Tchaoudjo exchanged their products with their neighbors in the region and with foreigners coming from outside. Thus weaving products are exported to neighboring countries: Bassar, Kabiyè country, Anyanga. Their trade also reaches the Adjouti, the Adélé and especially the dagomba. In addition to the slave trade, the tem country was a hub of trade between the caravaneers of northern Nigeria and present-day Benin. Various products were the basis of these exchanges. 2-5-3.The products traded Among the products that were traded, we note the products of the forge such as daba, traditional rifles and knives. There is also rock salt, textiles, baskets, copper jewelery of the Ashanti country were also traded. The Fulbe offered milk that they sold to the inhabitants of Tchaoudjo. But the currency of exchange was the cowrie "lidedozè" in tem. The kingdom also participated in inter-African trade through its products such as cotton fabrics about which Binger writes: "Kotokole loincloth that is also brought to the markets of Dagomba, is a fabric with white cotton day ". Speaking of the exchanges of the kingdom, Gayibor quotes Adam Mischlich (Swiss missionary of the Basel Mission in July 1897) in these terms: "At Didaouré, on Friday, a large market is held (...). We even sell Turkish pants and beautiful silk and velvet fabrics from the coast. Kaffa, yams, peanuts, beans, sorghum, corn, chilli, shea, salt, meat, wood, embroidery thread, matches, pearls, glassware are also sold. , ointments, scented oils and many other things. " War captives and slaves were also exchanged from which the kingdom derived most of its income. CONCLUSION We can finally retain, that the Temudjo tem kingdom was well organized in socio-political and economic terms. Indeed, the kingdom was made up of a diversified population where there is the mixing between the different clans. Thus, each entity of the population had its specific role to play in society. As a result, the Tchaoudjo derived most of its income from agriculture and especially trade. This was fruitful thanks to the
of foreign populations. In reality, there was no capital of the kingdom, as Fr. Alexander wrote, because there was no single royal palace for the whole kingdom. Each village had its palace of its own and where any new ruler from the village could live there. We will analyze in the following lines the conditions that favored the militarization of Chaudjo. Part Two: THE MILITARIZATION OF THE KINGDOM Introduction The kingdom was at its peak before the arrival of the Germans. In contact with them, Kparatao held supreme power with Ouro-Djobo Boukari as ruler. Like any state formation, the kingdom was originally equipped with an armed force composed of the natives. Its mission was to ensure the security of the kingdom and defend its interests. Tchaoudjo will play a leading role in the conquest of the hinterland by the Germans. This part will be devoted to the study of the conflicts in which the kingdom took part and the latter's role in the conquest and stabilization of the German colonial power. Chapter 4: MILITARIZATION AND THE DIFFERENT CONFLICTS OF THE KINGDOM Introduction The kingdom needed an armed force not only to protect the population against external attacks but also to ensure its internal security. Thus with the intention of extending its hegemony over the whole region, the kingdom organized expeditions against the neighboring populations. 1- Militarization of the Kingdom The kingdom knew two stages of militarization in its history: on the one hand, the militarization before the arrival of Semassi and on the other hand, the militarization under Ouro-Djobo Boukari of Kparatao. Originally, the armed force at the disposal of the Chaudjo consisted of able-bodied men who were better suited to the physical conditions indispensable for military combat. These were recruited not only in the royal villages, but also in the other villages tem. Indeed, this royal army hardly exceeded a thousand men and was under-equipped because possessing only the white weapons and the traditional rifles. This could justify some of the defeats that the kingdom experienced at the time. Besides the defeat of 1879 during the first conflict against the Anyanga under Birini's Ouro Koura, we also note the defeat during the first conflict against Agoulou under Ouro Akoriko of Komah. Thus, the sovereign of Tchaoudjo had at his disposal an armed force which constituted his royal guard. She provided for her own safety and accompanied her during her travels in the region. However, when Ouro-Djobo Boukari came to power in Kparatao, this militarization of the kingdom intensified. Indeed, Ouro-Djobo had co-opted the Djerma mercenaries who were real armed horsemen. These came from the Niger River around 1885. The Chaudjo became at the end of the nineteenth century, a formidable warrior power with the arrival of these mercenaries germinated. Before doing a study on the origins of semassi, we find it important to make interpretations on the etymology of the term itself. According to Ouro-Jeri, semasi was derived from the group of words "wansagari semassi" (wansagari which means lazy or rather one who does not want to eat by the sweat of his forehead and semassi, looters, raiders). In total, the expression "wansagari semassi" indicates that it is about the warriors who by force plunder the others. Where do they come from ? Semassi came from the Djerma country (in what is now Niger) towards the end of the 19th century. They crossed the western regions carrying with them elements of the bariba people, Fulani, and Toure. They continue on their way to reach the Tem, Kabiyè settlement areas. It is JC Barbier who described their itineraries: "In 1883, they are in Seméré, then in Alédjo-Kura, in 1885 to Adjéidè (from where they attempt an attack against Tchamba). They are co-opted by the ruler Uro Djobo Bukari in Paratao. With them, Peuls settled in Kpaza and Agoulou as well as many Kotokoli, learn the art of horseback fighting ". The Peuls of Kpaza, of which JC Barbier made a case here, were led by Adam Méatchi. These were independent of the riders of Kparatao. Moreover, their installation in Kpaza had of course preceded the arrival of the djerma mercenaries in the kingdom. In this connection, JC Froelich writes that: "The appearance of these Fulani in Kpaza from Sokoto (Nigeria) dates back to 1830". According to El Hadji Ouro-Nile Alassane, it was Adam Méatchi who, at the call of Djobo Boukari of Kparatao, allegedly fought Yélivo and gave power to Kparatao thanks to his military power. As regards the causes of the arrival of Djerma mercenaries in the region, some authors and the oral tradition point out that this was due to the insecurity that prevailed in the region after the accession to power by force of Ouro Djobo Boukari that the latter would have appealed to them. With regard to the causes of looters' migration, we can say that they can be linked to the internal conflicts that were frequent in the West African sub-region in the 19th century. It may be due to a commercial cause. Indeed, the semasi were trained warriors who would result from the Songhai empire. And as the empire was in decay, the warriors would have willingly decided to migrate west to hire their services to local leaders. This is how they are also called mercenaries. It is in this perspective that the warriors arrived at Tchaoudjo to praise their services to the new ruler Ouro-Djobo Boukari. Because he received the mercenaries, he was nicknamed "Sémôh" As for the logistics that is a part of the military art dealing with the problems of transport and supply of weapons, the problem does not arise. Because transportation was essentially assured with the abundance of horses. According to Ouro-Djéri, the introduction of the horse into the tem environment has two origins: Djougou and the Boucle du Niger. Firstly, these military riders allowed the enthronement of the new sovereign and on the other hand, helped to bring order to the kingdom. Indeed, the Sudanese traders who should take the cola route to go to Salaga, necessarily passed through the country tem. They traveled on donkeys and horses. Thus the kotokoli first knew the small horses with long hairs during the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries. Similarly traders raised and germinated from the Loop Niger go by the same process introduce the Tem horses this time of a large size and a medium form and are adapted to the race. These horses will be appreciated and used more by riders. This army of the kingdom was composed of two kinds of combatants: on the one hand, the horsemen and on the other hand, infantrymen or archers. Thus, the riders used the horses and were radically more armed than the infantrymen. They had on their behalf spears and daggers. They are often dressed in boubous with hip belts that can hold the dagger. On their side, the infantrymen were dressed in the same way. But what distinguished them from the riders is that they have no horses and that they possess only modest weapons: clubs, cutters. They played the role of auxiliaries and carriers. During the war, the riders attacked the enemy first, followed by the infantrymen. But from time to time, the army and especially the riders organized training sessions that constituted equestrian entertainment in the village or in the bush. This technical preparation was followed by other spiritual and magical preparations. Indeed, before leaving for the war, the local authorities would consult the protecting deities to know if the war would be won or not. On the magic side, the Semassi garments wore amulets, signs of invincibility. All these preparations incite us to a scientific analysis. Indeed, we think that the war clothes, the consultation of the gods have above all psychological effects on the warriors because, it is supposed that the fighter in a state of clear conscience could not give the expected yield. Thus, wearing a habit surrounded by amulets develops in him the spirit of endurance and determination. This is the case in Sparta in Greek antiquity where children were educated in military education where the virtues are cultivated in them like endurance, the determination for the defense of the Motherland. In this situation, the fighter is sure of himself that he no longer fears death. Moreover, the war technique adopted by the warriors was the technique of encirclement. This consists of encircling the enemy in order to triumph over the latter. The riders in front of the operations were the real attackers. It was they who routinely routed the enemy by killing the people and setting fire to the agglomerations of the enemy as the infantry were busy completing the rout and looting. The loot can be composed of cereals, men, women or even children. Many conflicts will subsequently set the kingdom against the other peoples of the region. 2- The conflicts known by the kingdom. The Chaudjo rulers were almost all ambitious. In fact, to realize their designs, which consisted in the domination of other neighboring peoples, they organized military expeditions against them. Internal conflicts and external conflicts are noted. 2-1 External conflicts Several conflicts opposed the kingdom to neighboring peoples. These various conflicts ended either in the victory or in the defeat of the Chaudjo. All this depended both on the good or bad preparation, the power of the characters who led the expeditions and especially the reasons for them. Among these conflicts, three will hold our attention, especially that against Agoulou, the one against the Anyanga and the one against Aledjo Kadara. 2-1-1 The Komah-Agoulou conflict This is one of the conflicts that marked the spirits of the people of Tchaoudjo until today because of the disasters it caused within it. Thus, the Agoulou village, although founded by the Mola de Tabalo, did not escape the Chaudjo's desire for hegemony. Two conflicts opposed Tchaoudjo to Agoulou. Indeed, the supreme power of the Chaudjo was symbolized by the ostrich egg. According to our informant Djobo Bivahi Mouhamadou, a daughter of the sovereign Ouro Akoriko would have gone to Agoulou and promised them that at the death of his father, the royal power would return to Agoulou. Satisfied with this promise, the inhabitants of Agoulou would have given a large quantity of cowries to the princess of Komah. So, on the
of Ouro Akoriko, Faithful to her word, the princess secretly took the ostrich egg which was placed at the top of the vestibule of the sovereign's residence, and gave it to the chief of Agoulou against the same reward. The people of Komah after noting the disappearance of the ostrich egg and after being informed of the misbehavior of the princess, declared war on Agoulou in order to recover it. Thus, the first conflict that ended in the defeat of Chaudjo caused him enormous loss of life. From the moment when the populations of Agoulou were informed of a possible attack of their village, they went in the river "Ouro Boungoulou" and made sacrifices there. These people counted on their innocence and were therefore sure of their victory. To fight against a big opponent, the population of Agoulou used the technique of "scorched earth". The enemies arrived after the population of Agoulou took refuge in the bush. As a result, they blindly massacred the animals and raided the property of the villagers. Thus, Tchaoudjo's troops believed themselves already victorious just because the inhabitants of Agoulou were unable to confront them for the simple reason that they took refuge in the bush. On the way back to Tchaoudjo, the Komah fighters were trapped by the mud that the "fetish river" left behind. Then mud broke down the horses and Agoulou's fighters came out of their refuges and came to cut the heads of Tchaoudjo's enemies. This caused enormous loss of life in the ranks of the enemies. So, to take revenge, the Tchaoudjo prepared himself accordingly with Birini as Kura's military chief who had not participated in the first conflict. From the moment when the inhabitants of Agoulou realized that the Tchaoudjo prepared his revenge, some inhabitants left the village towards Benin. Thus some of them settled in Kpaza under the command of Adam Méatchi while others went as far as Toboni, Tchimbéri or even Benin today. Since most of the inhabitants had fled for fear of enemies who, without any defense, easily seized their ostrich egg. Thus, this second conflict which saw the defeat of Agoulou had allowed Tchaoudjo to recover the ostrich egg, prestigious object and symbol of the royal power of Tchaoudjo. This victory can be explained on the one hand, by the mobilization of all the villages of the kingdom that fought alongside Komah and on the other hand, by the dedication of the inhabitants of Tchaoudjo to recover the ostrich egg that Agoulou can never inherit. Although one of the descendants of the ancestor Gadaou, Agoulou is not one of the seven founding villages of the kingdom. The cause as well as the course of the two conflicts incite us to a scientific analysis. As for the cause, we think that the ostrich egg may be taken as a symbol for another cause. Would not it be a woman's problem when we know that at the time the woman was a source of inter and intra-village conflicts? Since it is something precious that we must not share with others, Is it not a means of not divulging the affair in order to avoid any cynicism on the part of the woman or man who committed adultery? Regarding their event, we think that the consultation of the "fetish river" does not explain the problem at all. Does not the mud, which is the case of the oral tradition, come from natural mud? It may happen that it rained copiously upstream after the passage of the warriors and that would have caused the overflow of the river. As well as the return of the warriors, they would be buried in the mud that would have left the river after the withdrawal of the water. This can also be a magic explanation retained by the population of Agoulou to confirm their supremacy in mysticism over that of Tchaoudjo. 2-1-2. The conflict against the Anyanga. In all, two conflicts opposed Tchaoudjo to Anyanga. Recall that the Chaudjo was a crossroads of exchange and because of this, he enjoyed the benefits that his location gave him. The transits of salt and cola made the wealth of the kingdom that felt threatened by the attitude of the Anyanga who constituted an obstacle on the road of salt towards Atakpamé, Sagada and the coast by demanding the payment of taxes. Thus, those who refused to pay were seized by the Anyanga. According to Kparaki, the military and economic reasons explain this conflict better since he wrote in 1988 that: "undoubtedly, if one refers to the time, economic and military reasons explain clearly with regard to the numerous trade routes of the cola, slaves, salt, iron, guns crossing the region. " To break this obstacle that constituted the Anyanga, the Chaudjo had to declare war on them. The war became inevitable as popular demands grew. The sovereign Ouro Kura did not
to declare the war which was becoming more and more imminent. After Ouro Kura had judged the popular demands as legitimate, he resolved to send a messenger to Chief Ogadja of Agbandi. He gave him an arrow. Which means that "my sovereign declares you war". To respond to this gesture of Ouro Koura, Chief Ogadja after summoning the sages, decided to send Ouro Koura three bullets. The choice of the number three is significant. Which means that to warn a man, he is given three warnings. The Anyanga having understood that the war against their territory was inevitable, bewitched the river Kaza, so that all the temporary horses trying to cross it drown with all their cavalry. This strategy used by the Anyanga paid off. It was therefore the first conflict that saw the defeat of Tchaoudjo since the Tem were repulsed by the Anyanga who had more firearms. So the Tem lost a lot of soldiers while there were less than ten dead on the Anyanga side. This first conflict took place in 1879 under the reign of Ouro Kura of Birini. However, the second conflict that will see the victory of Tchaoudjo took place in May 1893. Von Doering and Count von Zech heard about the victory of Tchaoudjo on the Anyanga during their passage in the region at the time. This second conflict ended with a pact signed by both parties (Tchaoudjo and Anyanga) in Aouta (Aouda today) in 1893. Thus, by this pact, both sides decided to make peace and swear not to attack his neighbor any more. . We will say that if the Tchaoudjo was defeated by the Anyanga in 1879 during the first conflict, this is due to the mediocrity of his army which was under equipped against a better armed opponent and who has adopted a consistent strategy against his cavalry. Moreover, under Ouro Kura of Birini, the Djerma mercenaries were still absent in the region. On the other hand, the victory of Tchaoudjo during the second conflict is explained by the fact that during this period, he already had within his army, djerma riders who were real warriors. It is also explained by the accession to power of the new sovereign Ouro-Djobo Boukari of Kparatao, who was also animated by a feeling of revenge against this small territory that defeated the armed force of Tchaoudjo. Therefore, moral, strategic and human reasons explain better this victory of Tchaoudjo on the Anyanga in May 1893. From this date, the Chaudjo knew no more defeat whatever the level of militarization of the adversary. 2-1-3. Semesi military expedition to Aledjo Kadara (1885) A year after the arrival of the Germans on the territory of the future Togo, during which the hegemony of the kingdom was at its height under Ouro-Djobo Boukari of Kparatao, the Tchaoudjo intervened militarily to Aledjo Kadara. There was a problem of succession to the chief. Indeed, at the death of the latter, two candidates ran in the elections. In this period, the leaders were elected and those who were more popular won the
. Thus, at the end of these, the most popular candidate was elected and the unfortunate candidate and his acolytes protested on the pretext that the elections were poorly organized. Shortly after, an opposition group probably born on the side of the unfortunate candidate declared war on the new leader. It was in this crisis situation that Ouro-Djobo Boukari mobilized his army to intervene in Alédjo Kadara to restore peace. The kingdom played a decisive role in this crisis by sending riders to the village to support the newly elected. These horsemen were led by Adam Méatchi. One can ask the question about this intervention of the kingdom. Why did Ouro Djobo Boukari arrogate to himself the right to do justice in a village he did not administer? It is obvious that the kingdom was powerful and because of this, it was recognized as such in all tem circles. However, the Mola did not have a relationship with Alédjo Kadara. But if the Chaudjo had intervened as a mediator in this internal conflict, it was surely to ensure its "diplomatic" supremacy over the other leaders and consequently, to extend its hegemony over the other regions of the region. In short, the intervention of the kingdom Aledjo Kadara illustrates one of the manifestations of his influence and his imperialism in the region. Moreover, the ambition of Tchaoudjo exceeded even the borders of the future Togo. Outside of external conflicts, the Chaudjo exercised his hegemony also over the fraternal peoples. 2-2 Internal Conflicts Internal conflicts refer to the conflict between Kparatao and Yelivo and the enslaved Semassi raids in the region. 2-2-1. The conflict between Kparatao and Yelivo This conflict was the subject of much controversy. Many authors argue that this conflict has opposed Kparatao Birini. Which is not confirmed from our field investigations. Indeed, according to P. Alexander, it was Birini who declared war on Kparatao since he wrote: "This revolution provoked a real civil war, led by the royal lineage of Birini, whose leader tried in vain to seize the her ". However, according to Gayibor, it was Kparatao who attacked Birini since he wrote: "Birini also, although one of the founders of the kingdom, paid for the rise of Djobo. Contrary to these two versions, it appears from our investigation that this conflict had of course opposed Kparatao to Yelivo and that in the history of the kingdom, no conflict had opposed Kparatao to Birini. The two antagonistic villages Kparatao and Yelivo are among the seven constituent villages of the kingdom. According to Ouro Esso's designation criteria, it was intended that the power should be rotational. But since 1800, Birini held power with Ouro Koura as ruler. Indeed, at his death, power should return to Yelivo. But Kparatao, out of a desire for usurpation, wanted to take possession of it, which Birini claimed for Yelivo. It was in this atmosphere of misunderstanding that Kparatao declared war on Yelivo. To satisfy his ambition, Kparatao attacked Yelivo. Thus, Adam Méatchi on solicitation of Kparatao led this expedition which ended in the defeat of Yelivo. This conflict would have made the opinion of Ouro-Akpo Kassim, sevendead among the Yelivo fighters and many displaced. Thus, the Kparatao fighters won the victory. In this climate of insecurity and mistrust, the sà, the carved seat symbol of power, was hidden in Tabalo. Shortly after, the throne was brought back to Kparatao with our new ruler Ouro-Djobo Boukari. Given the insecurity that reigned in the area that the new ruler co-opted the mercenaries djerma. These allowed the consolidation of the authority of Ouro-Djobo Boukari. Slavery traffic increased later with the arrival of semassi. 2-2-2 The slave raids Very soon after its founding, the kingdom embarked on the slave trade, which will experience a great deal with the arrival of the Semassi. Indeed, the slave trade was an economic activity before the arrival of Semassi. Thus, slavery has always existed among the Tem. It took place between the Kotokoli themselves or between the Kotokoli and the foreigners. The stakes were such that those who had many children and could not feed, could willingly sell a few to stock up on food and be able to survive. On this subject, Verdier writes: "Bafilo is an important place of commerce where you come in particular to sell kabiyè children in case of famine". Moreover, prisoners of war became slaves in the service of the kingdom. As a result, they worked for the latter. They went in large numbers carrying salt from Atakpamé to Kparatao. Moreover, the sovereign could exchange them for export products brought by foreigners (horse, harness, etc.). ) Becoming more and more important, this slave trade was accentuated with the appearance of Semassi. Recall that the Semassi were armed horsemen who came from the Boucle du Niger and were co-opted by Ouro-Djobo Boukari of Kparatao. Subsequently, they will embark on the slave trade by sweeping the populations whose most vulnerable were children, women or even men. These riders made expeditions along the field tracks and farms and removed them to captives. The latter were washed in a river called yomaboua before selling them to traffickers in the south. Most of the slaves who supplied the slave trade with respect to Togo came from the hinterland of which Semassi was one of the actors. On this subject, Gayibor writes: "From all sources, it appears that the trade was regularly fed by captives from the hinterland ... The reservoir areas were mainly limited to those located at least a certain distance from the coast." In his interview with Coubadja Touré, Tchanilé reports the following: "My ancestors were slavers. They captured people they were going to sell to Blitta. "So, we see that these slave raids had both political and economic interest. A political interest because they served to strengthen the power of the sovereign who became more and more respected and feared. And an economic interest especially since the captives from these
were essentially sold and were a source of income for the kingdom. It caused the displacement of villages fleeing slavers and finding refuge points especially in mountainous sites. This was the case of the village of Bouladè, about which Alpha wrote in 2006 in these terms: "Under the threat of slave hunters (the semassi), the people of Bouladè began a new phase of migration this time to the south and settled again on the foothills of K'gbafulu ... " That being so, these slave raids concerned both the brother peoples and the neighboring peoples, it being understood that the village of Bouladè near Bafilo is also a foundation of the Mola de Tabalo. This traffic was abolished in the kingdom with the arrival of the Germans. One of the figures that would have marked the history of the kingdom was undoubtedly that of Adam Méatchi. 2-2-3 The role of Adam Méatchi in the rise of Tchaoudjo. If the kingdom of Chaudjo had been able to establish itself as a dominant power in the region, it owes much to the personality of Adam Méatchi. From his real name Ouro-Nile and his war name Méatchi which means "the terrible one", Adam Méatchi is a Fulani of the touring clan from Sokoto in Nigeria. His father's name was Soulémane Djodi. His ancestors were respectively Nouhoum, Moussa, Maman, Soulémane Djodi and settled in Kpaza around 1830. But these first settled at Souloum near Koumondè. After a long stay in Souloum, they discovered the site of Kpaza and settled there. These Toure were the second occupants of Kpaza after Madja Koubouh of the Sandou clan. So, by common agreement between Sandou and Toure respectively first and second occupants of the site, they shared the management of the village. Thus, the Madja took care of the inheritance while the Toures took charge of the political power, because they were true warriors and because of this, were able to defend the village against the external aggressions. Thus Adam Méatchi became the founder of the chieftaincy of Kpaza; He lived before, during and after the Germans. His reign lasted more than seventy years. Indeed, he was a turbulent child, he was physically strong so he beat the young people of his age or young people older than him. He studied Koranic at Djougou in present-day Benin. He also owes his power to the Quran, Holy Book of Muslims especially as all his military uniforms were covered with amulets containing Koranic verses (see Annex III, photo1). In addition, Adam Méatchi lives from the slave trade. As a result, he made military expeditions against the neighboring peoples of the region and even those in Benin today. It was he who granted asylum to some of the Mola d'Agoulou who fled the second conflict which opposed them to Tchaoudjo. He was, however, independent of Kparatao's semassi, contrary to what some writers like P. Alexandre, JC Froelich and JC Barbier wrote. However, he collaborated with Kparatao when he was called. This was the case of the Kparatao-Yelivo conflict where Djobo Boukari sought his support. What was the contribution of Adam Méatchi in the history of the Temudjo tem kingdom? Being a true warrior and trafficker, Adam Méatchi derived most of his income from the slave trade. As we pointed out before, it was to him that Kparatao resorted to direct the expedition against Yelivo. This would have favored the accession to power of Ouro-Djobo Boukari after the defeat of the latter. In the opinion of Ouro-Nile Abdou Karim, Kparatao entrusted a young man to Adam Méatchi after this conflict. It is Seni Worogo to whom he learned the art of war. The latter was at the origin of the foundation of Kouloundè, located between
and Kadambara. In addition, Djobo Boukari asked him for an Alpha to teach Islam to the people of Kparatao. Reason why we find until today a concession in this village of the name of this Alpha. After helping to restore order following the accession of Ouro-Djobo Boukari to power, he accepted the invitation of Séméré (in present-day Benin) to fight the formidable warrior Biyaou Kpembi of Djougou. Moreover, Méatchi also helped Kri-Kri (current Adjéidè) by fighting against his enemies and this twice: first, against the threats of the warrior Eguida Tchamba and then against Djougou (Benin current). He was feared from the outside because of his military might, so that enemies inside and outside the Tem country did not dare to prepare attacks against Tchaoudjo. To reward the blessings of Adam Méatchi in the kingdom, his son Ouro-Nile Issifou was chosen to the detriment of the unfortunate candidate Alassane of the Mola clan to succeed him to Kpaza. According to El-Hadji Alpha Kpabia Mouhaman, Ouro-Nile Issifou was chosen as the second chief of Kpaza by the tenth Tchaudjo ruler, Ouro Anyoro Tchagodomou of Kparatao. In short, Adam Méatchi had not struggled against the Temudjo tem kingdom. But he had helped him fight his opponents. He would undoubtedly be one of the actors who favored the sedentarization of the royal power of Tchaoudjo in Kparatao. In this, his contribution to the consolidation of the Temoudjo tem kingdom is undeniable. Conclusion It is obvious that the kingdom was feared both internally and externally because of the military might of its army. However, this kingdom's military might must not hide its vulnerability. Since the Chaudjo was defeated twice in his military expeditions. In addition, Adam Méatchi is a key figure who played a leading role in the history of Temudjo's Tem kingdom. In this, he embodies like Ouro-Djobo Boukari of Kparatao, the hegemony of Tchaoudjo. The kingdom will play a leading role in the conquest and stabilization of German colonial rule. As a result, he had another destiny with colonization. Chapter 5: ROLE OF THE KINGDOM IN THE CONQUEST AND STABILIZATION OF THE GERMAN COLONIAL POWERS Introduction. The Germans, settled in Togo since 1884, come into contact with the Chaudjo as early as 1888; This period of contact and negotiation finally led to the effective occupation of the kingdom by the Germans in 1897. The role of the kingdom can be understood only by studying the history of the German conquest of the hinterland on the one hand, and by examining the role of the Semassi in this conquest on the other. 1- History of the German colonial conquest of the hinterland Following their contact with the Chaudjo, the Germans multiplied their missions in the kingdom. Indeed, their intention was to do everything in their power to precede the French in the occupation of Tchaoudjo and this by signing treaties with it. 1-1.The story of the conquest of the kingdom. The explorer and linguist Gottlob Adolf Krause was the first German to travel in the kingdom personally with Hausa traders in 1887. He returned from Salaga through the country tem before descending to the coast by "the salt road" (Blitta, Kpessi, Atakpamé, Sagada, Aného). He arrived on June 15, 1887 in Kparatao, which he named Kpara-Tagu, which means in dendi language "the new city" A year after this trip, the real German penetration into the kingdom was to begin with the foundation, on June 2, 1888, from the
Science Station by Ludwig Wolf. The latter mounted an expedition to the Niger valley and arrived at Kadambara and Kparatao on May 1, 1889. He was received at Kparatao by Ouro-Djobo Boukari with whom he signed a treaty of protectorate the same day. With the intention of occupying the whole region before the French intervention, the Germans multiplied the creation of administrative posts. So, were created respectively Misahöhe stations, May 7, 1890 which gives access to the Volta Valley and Kete-Kratchi, December 31, 1893 which is a milestone on the Volta River at the other end of the great trade route linking Lome in the interior of the country. These two posts were created by the head of Puttkamer territory. After Wolf's death on June 26 in N'dali in bariba country, his second, Major Kling resumed his project and left Bismarckburg October 21, 1891 towards Djougou. He arrived at Kparatao on the 10th of November and delivered to Ouro-Djobo Tchadjobo gifts from Emperor Kaiser. After their failure in bariba country, the Germans now turned to Salaga and Mango. Thus, von Doering went to Tachi, Suruku and Fazao as early as November 1893, then to Bassar in June 1894. For his part, Grüner went to Mango in January 1895. However, the victory of the French on Behanzin in January 1892 will change the data. Thus, the French intervene in the region and on February 24, 1895 arrive in Bassila, April 1 and 3 to Adjéidè and Bafilo, then to Daoudè, Kabou and Koumondè of the same year. Faced with this situation, the Germans react by rushing to Djougou where von Zech signs a treaty on February 10, 1896. On the way out, von Zech had spent ten days in Kparatao renewing Wolf's protectorate treaty and establishing a post with a soldier and a "native" agent. On return, he is accompanied by the cavalry of Ouro-Djobo Boukari to put in step ouro leader Banyo Bulohu, who had opposed the passages of Kling and von Doering. It followed for this purpose, a brief battle, March 6th, the descent to Tachi. These missions in the kingdom will be extended by those of Adam Mischlich, von Massow, Kersting, Rudolf Fisch, Friedrich Schroeder etc. It was the latter who began the construction of the Sokode post at the end of 1897. It was in this atmosphere of competition with the French that the Germans gained a foothold in the kingdom. They were at the origin of the realization of many infrastructures which one finds at present in Sokodé. Indeed, the Germans will be definitively driven out of the kingdom in August 1914 after their defeat against the Franco-British coalition. This is how the Germans will be supplanted by the French. The German presence in the kingdom led to political and strategic changes. 1-2 The impact of the German presence in Tchaoudjo The Germans were at the origin of many achievements in the kingdom. But they had a share of responsibility in the sedentarization of royal power in Kparatao. Nevertheless, they played a leading role in suppressing the slave trade that so ruined the region. The first act of the Germans consisted in sanctioning a usurpation which lasted almost half a century. For this purpose, according to P. Alexander, "the Count von Zech during his passage in the kingdom, had found the sovereign Ouro-Djobo very old and he thought to dethrone him". However, he adds, "he was prevented by the necessity of using the royal army to defeat the chief of Kegbafilo who had just displayed the French flag." Under these conditions, a new treaty was signed in 1897. By this treaty, the sovereign transferred his sovereignty to the Kaiser who guarantees in exchange to preserve the right to the supreme power to the descendants of Djobo. This was respected because five sovereigns will succeed each other in the account of Kparatao. Thus all the sovereigns who succeeded one another in Kparatao had the approval of the Germans. Moreover, it was these same Germans who expanded the command of the Tchaudjo rulers by giving them the title of "chief of the Kotokoli". Which gave them more authority and legitimacy over the whole country tem. Apart from the political consequences, there is also the displacement of the Kparatao post. For strategic reasons, the administrative post of Kparatao was transferred to Sokodé in 1897 by Dr. Kersting, the first Sokodé circle commander (1897-1909). After learning from his trip to Tchaoudjo that the seat of supreme power changed with each reign, von Zech reacted by considering that it was not a good practice. He would have liked to establish a capital of Tchaoudjo and Kouloundè seemed to him an ideal place to shelter him because, he said, Kouloundè is "located in the center of the country" Indeed, as we said before, the Kparatao station was on the left bank of the Na River. Since the station was next to the river, it was assumed that this was not a good place because of mosquitoes. In addition, White could contract a lethal fever. That's why the Kparatao post was transferred to Sokodé. But beyond this reason, we think for our part that the reason for this transfer can only be strategic. Indeed, it is possible that Dr. Kersting during his visit to Kparatao in 1897 may have been afraid of the hegemony of Ouro Djobo Chadjobo and the strength of his army that he wished to use. For that, he preferred to move away from Kparatao in order to better find the ways and means to reach it. It is also possible that Kersting would have taken into account the level of development of Didaouré compared to that of Kparatao because it was in the center of Tchaoudjo and thus sheltered foreign traders at the time. Thus, Semassi played a vital role in the conquest of the territories of the hinterland of Togo. 2- Role of the Semassi in the German conquest of the hinterland The arrival of the Germans in Tchaoudjo, the problem of slave trade was one of their major concerns. So, the fraternal peoples were fighting each other while the colonizer came to occupy the area. To suppress this inhuman practice in order to win both the confidence of the leaders and their subjects, the Germans financially assisted the royal courts and slave traders. In other words, they were devoted to putting the local chiefs under fairly acceptable material and financial conditions in order to gradually ban the captive system that enriched the chiefs and traders of slaves. Semassi were placed at the disposal of the Germans. For this purpose, they formed part of the colonial police force created by the Germans to facilitate the conquest of the hinterland. So, the Semassi were to participate in the various expeditions that were organized in northern Togo during the painful pacification. 2-1. Colonial police "die Polizeitruppe" This small police force created on September 3, 1885, was reorganized by Jesko von Puttkamer to make it a real military troop. She was placed under the orders of an officer and trained by a non-commissioned officer. Indeed, this colonial police's main role was to ensure the "military security of the protectorate". Thus, this military cavalry of Tchaoudjo was composed according to Barbier "of
djerma, Peuls and notables Kotokoli". It was thus part of the colonial police force and this in a decisive way. Indeed, the good relations established by the Germans among others Wolf, Kling, Zech etc. with the sovereigns, offered them the alliance of a kingdom already Islamized which willingly gave contingents of warriors. In any case, the staff assigned to posts depended on the degree of insecurity that prevailed in these areas. Thus, for example, here is the digital composition of this force per post according to Trierenberg quoted by Ouro-Djéri. Table 1: Distribution of soldiers in posts POSTES NUMBER OF SOLDIERS Lomé-Land 30 Ancho 40 Misahöhe 50 Atakpamé 60 Kete-Kratchi 30 Sokodé-Bassari 90 Mango-Yendi 100 Source: Ouro-Djéri, 1989, p85 These soldiers organized expeditions to to suppress the uprisings of the natives. For the French administrator R. Cornevin, "it counts in four years (1897-1901), Thirty-five police tours and more than fifty fights ranging from the skirmish to the multi-hour battle sometimes supported by a machine gun and left several dead and wounded. Thus, however, that the Germans wanted to use the horsemen of Tchaoudjo, they spoke to Adam Méatchi in Kpaza and Salami around Bafilo. Semassi played a vital role in the various repression expeditions of peoples hostile to the German occupation. 2-2 Military Expeditions in the Hinterland (1896-1898) The role of semassi was very decisive in this respect. Being in the service of the Germans, they organized expeditions to suppress the populations who were hostile to the German presence in the region. So, in their various expeditions, they had acquired new knowledge regarding the handling of modern rifles. From these multiple expeditions, we will retain those of Tassi (or Tachi), Kabiyè and Losso. 2-2-1 The Tassi Incident (March 6, 1896) At this time when the Chaudjo's military cavalry was at the disposal of the Germans, they could use it in their various expeditions. Indeed, von Zech will organize an expedition on Bulohu following the opposition of the leader Ouro Banya to let his predecessors Kling and von Doering pass during their visits in the region. As a result, von Zech, who had returned from Kparatao, had accompanied the Tchaudjo's cavalry in order to bring Ouro Banya's chief to the village. A brief battle ensued on March 6, 1896, on the descent to Tassi. Tassi's troop was defeated. This defeat led to the flight of the leader who fled to Bassar. Dr. Kersting made his first appearance at Kparatao on July 23, 1897, and then took command of the Djougou Station. Indeed, he brought with him Ouro Banya defeated so that the latter made allegiance to Ouro Djobo Tchadjobo. For a long time there had been a discord between Tchaoudjo and Bulohu. Indeed, Bulohu was on the road to cola. This trade later turned towards Kete-Kratchi and because of this, this village did not benefit any more. This certainly led to economic depression among the people of this village. Thus, for Bulohu, the Chaudjo was partly responsible for what had happened to them since he was working harmoniously with the Germans. This may seem true especially since the Germans have always considered the Kotokoli as their best friends. The Kabiyè country was also concerned by these military expeditions. 2-2-2 Submission of Kabiyè The Kabiyè country included not only Kabiyè but also Nawdeba, Lamba etc. Indeed, the Kabiyè were brave fighters, which did not facilitate the task to the administrator and his troops. To submit them to the colonial order, Dr. Kersting led there thirty circle guards, one hundred Kotokoli horsemen and two hundred supporters of Adjéidè in January 1898. Thus, the hundred riders who took part in this expedition, proves the massive participation of the Semassi in this expedition for the cause of the Germans. The Kabiyè were forced to submit because they had before them an opponent of size who also used modern weapons. The losso country was also the target of the German administration. 2-2-3 The attack on the losso country Lieutenant von Massow, like Kersting, left Bassar country on January 21st to attack the Lamba country. He also used as contingents Europeans, riders sprouted. Table No. 2: Quotas and military equipment numbers EUROPEAN ACTUAL MILITARY QUOTAS AND MATERIALS 2 Soldiers 63 German riders 33 Forwarders and 80 Machine guns 1 Source: Ouro-Djéri, 1989, p83 The participation of the Chaudjo's armed force was so revealing that it could be said that the mercenaries of the Chaudjo really played their part alongside the Germans, especially in the repression of the neighboring peoples of the interior of Togo. However, Semassi were used by the Germans to achieve their goal. These horsemen only acted under the orders of the colonists. They did not intend to repress the brother peoples but they did so in the desire to obey the colonial order. GENERAL CONCLUSION In conclusion, we can remember that Gadaou was the ancestor of the Mola, native of the Gourma country who settled in the mountainous area of Tabalo. Indeed, a few years later, for reasons of a natural economic and socio-demographic nature, the populations emigrated to the plains of Kara and Mo. This
leads to the founding of villages including Kpangalam, Chavadi, Kadambara, Birini, Komah, Yelivo and Kparatao. Six of these villages revolted against Kpangalam, on the initiative of Tchavadi, to gain the power that he had seized alone. These villages decided to reign in turn after their victory over Kpangalam. This was at the origin of the foundation of the tem kingdom of Tchaoudjo. On the other hand, the kingdom really reached its peak in 1880 with the controversial takeover of power by Ouro-Djobo Boukari, known as "Sémôh" of Kparatao. Indeed, to better establish the order in the kingdom, this sovereign had to appeal to Djerma cavalry called Semassi who finally allowed his enthronement. So, the kingdom was the point of call for many foreign traders, most of whom settled there. Thus, the marketing of salt, cola and especially slaves were his sources of income. In order to achieve its purpose, that of establishing its hegemony and increasing its prestige over the other peoples of the region, the kingdom organized various military expeditions. These led to the submission of both foreign and native peoples as well as other fraternal peoples. Thus the German intervention in the kingdom allowed the sedentarization of royal power in Kparatao and the strengthening of the power of the rulers of Tchaoudjo. However, the Germans played a vital role in suppressing slave trade. Otherwise, the Chaudjo played a leading role in the conquest of Togo's hinterland by making his military cavalry available to the Germans. So, finally, note that our work is not definitive. Because, like all other social sciences, history is never written once and for all and is renewed at the rate of the evolution of documentary sources and especially questioning. In short, our work has been to deal with some aspects of the kingdom that are not yet addressed and to provide some details on others already treated. In this, our work comes to expand therefore the list of monographs realized within the framework of the studies on the Tem and thus constitutes a contribution to the construction of the Togolese national history. Ouro-Sama Ali Tchassama 49 Regent of Kadambara August 19, 2006 in Sokode 24 Ayéva Abdou Latifou 68 Regent of Komah August 14, 2006 in Komah 25 Agodomou Adam 82 Chief of the canton of Wassarabou August 14, 2006 in Sokodé 26 Agodomou Moumouni 80 Notable in Kpangalam August 18 2006 in Kpangalam 27 Dermane Boukari 77 Former driver August 14, 2006 in Komah 28 Djobo Bivahi Mouhamadou 95 Notable in Kadambara August 16, 2006 in Kadambara 29 Alpha Issa Saharou 73 cutivator August 17, 2006 in Sokodé 30 Tchagodomou Alilou 67 Ex-mechanic TP in Sokodé 14 August 2006 in Sokodé 31 Tchagodomou Bouraïma 75 Notable in Kpangalam August 18, 2006 in Kpangalam 32 Tchatikpi Issofa 36 Ex-Regent of Yélivo August 16, 2006 in Yélivo 33 Tchakpidè Aziz 57 doctor August 17, 2006 in Sokodé 34 Tchakpidè Mouhamadou 55 mason August 17, 2006 in Sokodé 1-1-2 Sources of Archives A. N .T. sub-series 2APA in Lomé File 8: Colonization of lands by Cabrais (Kabiyè and Losso) on the Sokode-Atakpamé road (1927-1943). File 42: Fact sheet of the chiefs of cantons and villages of Sokodé circle (1946-1960). Dossier 2: List of the canton chiefs and villages at the time of occupation of the territory by French troops (1914-1918). Dossier 1: Sokodé circle monograph by the commander of the circle, Captain Sicre, 1918. File 4: Tour report made from 23 July to 2 August 1926 in the cantons of Korona-Berg; Agoulou, Kéméni, Koumondè, Soudou and Bafilo by the Deputy Commander of Cercle, 1926. File 52: Reports of the secretaries of canton chiefs of Koumondè, Paratao, Tchamba, Fazao, Kéméni, Kri-Kri, Sotouboua (1938 to 1958). 2- BIBLIOGRAPHY - ADU BOAHEN A. (1987) General History of Africa VII, Africa under colonial rule 1880-1935, UNESCO, NEA, 937 p. - ALEXANDRE P. (1963) "The Political Organization of the Kotokoli of North-Togo", in Cahiers d'Etudes, Africaines, No. 14, Vol IV, MCML XIII, 2nd issue, pp. 228-275. -ALEXANDRE P. (1960) Traditional History of Kotokoli and Froelich JC. Bi-Bichamba, Paris, BIFAN-ALI-NAPO P. (1995) Togo in the German Age: 1884-1914 Thesis of State Doctorate in Letters and Human Sciences, University Paris I Sorbonne, Paris, 2507 p - ALI -NAPO P. (1997) History of maneuvers and soldiers of North-Togo in colonial times: 1884-1960, Lomé, Press of the UB, 171 p. AMIDOU M. (2004) Study of a craft: the traditional pottery of Agoulou
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